This election cycle has captured my imagination more than any election cycle since I was old enough to have a political consciousness. The current presidential race wells up complicated feelings for me about American politics, class, feminism and race. The Democratic party, in particular is really bringing it in terms of the stakes–the frontrunners–a woman and a black man. But not just any woman, and for me, certainly not the right woman: Hillary Clinton. And not just any black man, certainly not the demagogues of yore like Al Sharpton, but: Barack Obama. Obama, who no one could have seen coming eight years ago, as we were entering the dark night of the American soul that has been the Bush Administration. After Bush stole the election, it seemed like America had been cleaved into two starkly different ideological halves that could never be reconciled; it seemed like a Democrat could never win, even in a fair fight, much less a black or female candidate. And now it seems that there is a palpable chance that that our next president could be a woman or black man. Interestingly, for a brief moment during the gestation of this campaign season, it seemed as if this race was not going to be about identity politics. A ninety-eight percent white Iowan electorate had caucused for Obama, and by quite a large margin too. Of course, the pendulum swung back. Hillary narrowly took New Hampshire and identity politics finally came into play, in a race that had once seemed to include non-traditional candidates for their qualifications and abilities rather than for their identities. In New Hampshire, older white women and the working-class voted for Hillary (a base that Bill Clinton's campaign had appealed to in '92 and '96) yet voters told exit pollsters that they had voted for Obama. Many critics have suggested that there are racial undertones to why people told pollsters one thing and actually voted differently in private. I largely agree with this analysis. At a caucus, people are held accountable for their votes because caucuses are public events, while in a primary in the privacy of the voting booth, people's deep-seated beliefs about race get to come out, without people having to look like racists.
And why is Hillary not the right woman? My disdain for the Clintons is multi-faceted but one of the most difficult things for me to swallow about Hillary Clinton's campaign (next to her use of gender and feminism, which is the subject of another post) is the selling of this myth that the 90's were a magical time. The first election I can really remember clearly was Bill Clinton's first run. Me and every other fourth grade classmate watched Bill Clinton play the saxophone on the Arsenio Hall show. In the months before the election, kids on the school bus would pound the seats and scream out the windows of the school bus "CLINTON/GORE." And later, I remember the scorn that Dole's limp, pen-clutching hand inspired in my fellow pre-teens during Clinton's incumbent race (although by then, his luster had faded considerably). I am also old/young enough to remember how the Clinton Whitehouse was not kind to the poor. Ironically, not too long after Bill's charisma, which had mobilized the young, the black, and the working-class to put him in the White House, Clinton cut welfare for thousands. America's "first black president" attacked the looming spectre of the black welfare queen by cutting thousands of families off the welfare roles. My family, my immigrant single mother and I, were affected by this legislation.
During the early to mid-nineties, my mother received welfare and Medicaid benefits for me because of my father's refusal/inability to pay child support. When these benefits were cut, my mother and I were left with no financial or medical recourses. We had no money, despite the fact that my mother worked a back-breaking 50-hour a week job as a nanny. From the time I was eleven to the time I was twenty-two (when my graduate school fellowship included health insurance), I simply could not afford to go to the doctor and have lasting, chronic health problems as a result. Though I still remember the early-90's Clintonian enthusiasm quite palpably, I have no desire to take part in the Clinton nostalgia that Hillary's campaign, whose message seems to be that voting for her promises a return to the safe, cuddly, prosperous mid-nineties. There is a scene in Werner Herzog's My Best Fiend where Herzog is giving a guided tour of the tenement building now turned luxury townhouse where both Klaus Kinski and Herzog grew up in post-war Germany. He tells the current owner of the townhouse, "We were not a part of the German economic miracle." This statement accurately describes how I feel about that Clintonian decade. My mother and I did not get to partake of the economic miracle. As we slide into a newly-minted recession, there is finally some talk of public assistance for the victims of unethical sub-prime lenders (though it's still too little too late), finally hints of compassion glint in the public discourse, but during prosperous times the rhetoric always turns back: what are the poor doing to help themselves? Why do they live hand to mouth? Why can't they just put some money aside in the bank?
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9 comments:
RIGHT ON!
OK, I don't think anyone (well, not me anyway) would argue that welfare reform wasn't reprehensible, and that the Clinton whitehouse was indeed not kind to the poor, but they did TRY to reform the healthcare system. Granted, the fact the Hillary was brought in to advise in a covert sort of way, and the fact that the bill produced was oh... about 1,000 fucking pages long, were both big, big problems. But Hillary's healthcare policy was in some ways fairly radical, and it is surely what got her labeled a "big-government liberal" by the Republicans (the same Republican congress that was largely responsible for beautifully named "Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconcilliation Act"). Her work on healthcare was majorly flawed, but I actually don't doubt that this is something she cares about.
I don't want to discount your experience, or the experiences of millions of other people whose lives changed for the worse during the Clinton years-- and I agree that nostalgia for that time is dangerous. But a) I think that that nostaligia has been produced largely by the horrible nightmare of a government we have had between then and now and b) part of me feels defensive about Hillary because of all the misogyny that NO ONE WILL OWN UP TO that is so pervasive in so much of the discussion about her. But here we go; once again everything is reduced to identity politics. Why did we ever think we could get away with having an election that was free of them?
Wow! Hey! Thanks for starting a blog... I was obviously itching for a forum in which to aire I my opinions.
alex, thanks so much for posting your opinions here. i have really wanted a space to discuss these issues.
my feelings on hillary are extremely complicated and i do agree with you that a lot of really misogynistic things have been hurled at her, and not just during this race, but during her run for new york senate and during the clinton/lewisnky scandal. she has been called out on things that male politicians, republican or democrat would never in a million year be called out on: her looks, her yen for power (politics is the game of seeking power and attacking any politician for seeking power is inane because well, duh, that's the currency in which politicians deal), her standing by her husband in the face of scandal. the nature of many of these attacks is insanely sexist. these are not the reasons i dislike hillary clinton.
i dislike hillary clinton on her own merits: having repeatedly failed to speak out against the war. while she's a tough campaigner, a tough seeker of power, she exemplifies the spinelessness of the democratic party in not standing up to bush, not speaking out in the face of the Patriot Act. she absolutely tows the party line. basically, i dislike her because to me, she stands for the ineffectual democratic party status quo.
and yes, hillary clinton is actually very knowledgable about healthcare, probably more than any other democratic candidate running, but my feeling about the models that the democratic candidates are all (including obama and edwards) bringing to the table are flawed models, because they're all still trying to appease the private health insurance companies. there's an argument that the democrats as a party have to do this because the health insurance and pharmaceutical lobbies are HUGE. i'm not super optimistic that we will every really have socialized medicine in this country. it goes against our American earn-it-if-you-really-want -it ethos.
Laura-
Thanks for starting this blog and rubbing Nostalgia's nose in its own feces.
In the early-mid 90's I was living in Southern California, where Immigration Law reform was always a contentious issue. Our family was always split. Though a Dem., my father was more conservative; he saw immigration as a fiscal issue, and voted likewise. My mother, a Colombian immigrant, was not-yet a citizen and could not vote, but she had many Mexican, Salvadorian and Guatemalan friends who experienced first-hand the ecstasies of Clinton-era immigration policy, especially in the months after the first World Trade Center bombing (2/26/93). That spring/summer saw some of the most intense, draconian immigration legislation introduced since Reagan was executing the office. A quick browse through the State Department archives reveals the Clinton White House asking Congress for millions of dollars (actually a lot of money then) to fund secret wiretapping programs, increased military presence at borders, more expeditious asylum screenings (hold the habeas corpus), cameras, motion sensors, etc. All of this in the name of terrorism prevention. Sound familiar? So many of the strategies implemented at that time resemble the Bush administration's that it's like they traded notes.
Certainly Clinton took steps to improve national immigration policy, starting with the oh-so-basic act of actually visiting Mexico, which neither Bush 1 nor Reagan had done, but it is dangerous and irresponsible to paint a rosy picture of Clinton 1's presidency, especially in the arena of immigration policy, or to dub him and his wife The Great Reformers, foiled by Party squabbles. Look back and you'll see he was all about so many of the things that make the liberal-minded today gasp, bewail the "police state," and call W. a fascist.
[And who were all these dirty terrorists seeking asylum like a bunch of pansies? El Salvadorians and Guatemalans, in waves, slammed the US/Mexico border in the mid-90's. But it couldn't be because US-backed military juntas had overthrown democratically-elected governments and started decades-long civil wars that resulted in the deaths of literally hundreds upon hundreds of thousands of peasants, not to mention the thousands of students, professors, doctors and lawyers who were tortured and/or disappeared by CIA-trained and equipped paramilitary death squads. Certainly not. And you're probably tired of hearing about all that, so that's all I'll say.]
Be a patriot and vote Ron Paul. We're bringing back the Gold Standard, bitches!
Steve (robin vote),
Funny that you should bring up immigration and immigration "reform," because one of my big frustrations in the discussion of immigration in the context of the Clinton administration is that most Americans are unwilling to take a more panoramic view of the Mexican and Central American immigration "crisis" and actually examine the faulty policy logic that got us to this crisis point in the first place. The North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement isn't keeping ANYBODY home in their third world country in their maquiladora towns (Ross Perot had it right, suckas!). Bill Clinton was the man who relentlessly promoted and proudly signed NAFTA. NAFTA opened the doors to mercenary free trade ements in Latin America, where the these little towns got these huge industrial sweatshops, no one gets a living wage, and the social fabric of the towns is permanently damaged. It creates a situation in which people have no reason to stay in their own countries. NAFTA has so many negative far-reaching consequences that they would be impossible to enumerate in this small space, but I do think it bears mentioning in the discussion of how there's a strong case against re-evaluating the Clinton years (though I think Alex made a good point–people's nostalgia is partly fueled by the fact that anything seems better than the protracted national nightmare of the Bush administration).
i meant strong case for re-evaluating Clinton nostalgia.
It took me a minute to realize you were joking about Ron Paul, Steve, I guess because I've been surprised recently by how many people are taking him seriously. Oh, god, you *were* joking, weren't you?
i was kidding about Ron Paul. i'm a registered Democrat.
whew.
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